Several presentations at last year's [1990] AASP annual meeting
at Banff referred to the Cretaceous dinoflagellates from
Graham Island which I was fortunate to study in the early
1960's together with the late Isabel Cookson (Manum and Cookson 1964).
The reference to our work was a moving incident since it
has a special place in my heart, partly because of the very
memorable co-operation with Dr Cookson, and not least because
of circumstances around the material itself. Therefore, following
one of the presentations at the meeting, I offered comments
concerning the sample, its collector, and the now largely
forgotten history of territorial and geological exploration
of the Arctic Islands, a history which involves Norwegian-Canadian
relationships. These days the 90th anniversary of this relationship
can be celebrated, which is yet another good reason to be reminded
about it. Therefore, I have gladly accepted former Editor, Bert van
Helden's invitation to elaborate on this story in your Newsletter.
When Cookson and I made that study, the petroleum exploration
activities in the Arctic regions had just started, and we were
rather unaware that our material happened to come from the middle
of the pie so to speak: the Mesozoic Sverdrup Basin. We were
pleasantly surprised to learn that owing to these circumstances
our study became much used by oil company palynologists. The
story of the Graham Island sample is part of the much grander
story of the exploration of the Sverdrup Islands by a Norwegian
expedition 1898-1902, and of the impressive contribution to
Canadian geology made by the Norwegian geologist, Mr Per Schei.
In connection with my palynological studies of the Tertiary flora
of Spitsbergen (Manum 1962), I had been searching for early
Tertiary material from other Arctic regions which might be
compared with Spitsbergen. The Palaeontological Museum of the
University of Oslo houses the material collected by the geologist
Per Schei on the expedition with the polar research vessel "Fram"
to the Arctic Islands. Among the samples was a handful of crumbling
shale from "the large island to the west" according to its label,
also containing the date of collection. The sample appeared "young"
but processing showed it not to be Tertiary; it yielded a most beautiful
assemblage of Cretaceous dinoflagellates. Isabel Cookson had a glimpse
at it during a visits to Oslo and she immediately insisted that we
should work on it. The sample was ambiguously labelled which made
it necessary to check diaries from the expedition to solve the
problem of its provenance. This got me into the fascinating story
of the second "Fram" expedition and of some of the men involved
in creating and operating this most successful and famous of polar
exploration vessels. Many books and scientific volumes have been
written to document this story (Nansen 1897; Sverdrup 1904;
Report of the 2nd Norwegian Arctic Expedition in the "Fram"
1898-1902, Vol. I-IV 1907-17, Supplementary Vol. 1930; Fairley 1959).
The second "Fram" expedition was planned to explore
the northern extension of Greenland by circumnavigation from the
west and by dog-sled journeys. Warnings of the hazards of such an
undertaking were many, particularly from reports of previous
expeditions into Canadian Arctic waters which had ended with disasters.
One such expedition which was certainly in the minds of all potential
Arctic explorers in the second half of the 19th century was Sir John
Franklin's in 1845 in search of the Northwest Passage. The ship became
frozen in ice northwest of King William Island and was abandoned. The
tragic fate of the crew was only known to rescue expeditions some ten
years later. With this at the back of their minds, what would make a
number of applicants compete in 1898 to become members of the sixteen
strong crew of "Fram" which was to explore even higher
latitudes farther from any habitations? In order to find an answer
to this question, a brief review of the first "Fram"
expedition is needed.
It was the idea of Fridtjof Nansen to organize a scientific expedition
to study the Arctic Ocean by drifting with a ship, hopefully close to
the North Pole, locked up in the pack ice (Nansen 1897). Nansen was
already famous for his daring crossing of Greenland on skis in 1888,
and he had also established himself as a very promising scientist
in the fields of neurology and marine biology. His seemingly wild
expedition plan was founded on the known fate of the "Jeanette"
expedition which had tried to reach the North Pole a few years earlier.
An American explorer, G. W. de Long, had sailed "Jeanette" through
the Bering Strait in 1878. She became frozen in near Ostrov Vrangelya
and drifted westwards for two years until broken down north of the
Novosiberian Islands where she was abandoned. Twenty of the
thirty-three-strong crew including de Long starved to death on
their march towards Siberian habitations. In 1884, four years after
"Jeanette" was abandoned, remains from her were found offshore South
Greenland. Based on this and other observations, Nansen convinced
himself against many experts' opinion that there was a regular ice-drift
from Alaska to Greenland. Nansen decided to test this by an ice drift
expedition across the Arctic Ocean in a ship deliberately frozen into
the pack-ice. To this end, he designed "Fram" (= forward) as a
vessel that would evade the crushing pressure of the ice which
had tragically ended many other expeditions. It was a demonstration
of Nansen's reputation as an explorer and scientist that he managed
to find sponsors for this daring project and also people that would
go with him.
In September 1893, "Fram" with her crew of thirteen let themselves
freeze in north of the Novosiberian Islands. A thousand days later,
in July 1896, she got out of the pack ice north of Spitsbergen.
Movement was for the first year and a half much more erratic than
Nansen had anticipated and it became clear that they would miss
the North Pole by several degrees. Nansen therefore left "Fram"
on skis in March 1895 with one companion and twentyseven dogs and
three sleds, each carrying 250 kg of load, in an attempt to reach
the Pole. After two strenuous weeks they reached 86°4'N, when
they had to give up the attempt. They turned south and reached Franz
Josef Land in August, where they were forced to winter. "Fram", and
Nansen and his companion returned to Norway in August 1896 within a
week of each other. "Fram" had been well equipped with instruments
and the scientific results of the expedition were overwhelming in
the fields of oceanography, meteorology and marine biology of the
Arctic Ocean. Nansen was made professor of oceanography at the
University of Oslo and continued the study of oceanic currents.
"Fram"'s captain was Otto Sverdrup, who had also accompanied Nansen
on his expedi tion skiing across Greenland. Nansen and Sverdrup had
won world fame, and so did "Fram" as a most reliable Arctic
exploration vessel. All returned safely from her first journey.
Shortly after this success, Nansen began to plan a new expedition
to explore the vast unknown areas of northern Greenland, and
Sverdrup became the inevitable leader. Nansen's devotion to own
research kept him from taking part in the expedition himself.
When Sverdrup advertised for crew members and scientists for
this expedition, which was planned to last three years, he
received many applications.
"Fram" set out from Oslo (then Kristiania) on her second expedition
in June 1898 and reached as far north as Pim Island in Smith
Sound where the first winter was spent (Map 1, I).
Failing to penetrate farther north next summer and having met Robert
Peary with his "Windward" who had similar objectives, Sverdrup
made the happy decision to move to Jones Sound in order to
explore the unknown areas of Ellesmere Island and westward.
The winter 1899-1900 was spent in Harbour Fjord
(Map 1, II). Most of the exploration
was done by sled journeys lasting two months or more in the
spring before the ice broke up. Successful journeys in the
spring of 1900 made them push as far west as possible with
"Fram" that summer in order to minimize distance to unexplored
areas, and their next harbour became Goose Fjord
(Map 1, III). The plan was to return
home in 1901, but they were unable to get out of the ice until
the following year. The fourth and unintended 1902 season of
the expedition was also utilized for maximum exploration in
the spring and summer months.
Per Schei, the geologist on the expedition, had graduated in
geology at the University of Oslo early in 1898. He had been
selected in spite of his young age (23) and the handicap of a
stiff leg. His personality and excellent recommendations from
his tutors must have impressed Sverdrup. He proved to be one
of the best skiers, dogsled handlers and hunters, and made
some of the most arduous sled journeys of the expedition. He
acquired yet another physical handicap by frostbite during the
first season of the expedition, following which he had several
toes on each foot amputated. He was an excellent diary writer.
In order to solve the problem of the Graham Island sample's origin,
I had to study his personal diary and couldn't stop before having
read it all.
The areas explored from "Fram", essentially by sled parties,
are indicated in Map 1. A preliminary
account of the geological results appeared in Sverdrup's (1903)
report on the expedi tion at a meeting of the Royal Geographical
Society in London, and his results have proved remarkably correct.
Having returned to Norway, Schei was appointed scientific editor
for the expedition reports, but he died in 1905. This was a great
loss to Arctic geology and to the scientific community of a small
and young nation. The fossil material assembled by Schei was
described after his death by several specialists in the official
report volumes. Holtedahl (1917) gave a summary of the geological
results based on Schei's notes and these subsequent papers. Dawes
and Christie (1986) concluded their homage to Schei by stating:
"Schei can be credited with making the most impressive
contribution by a single person to the geological understanding
of the Arctic Islands prior to the advent of aircraft."
Fortier et al. (1963) duly recognized the exploration
achievements by the "Fram" expedition. As far as I am aware, the
Graham Island sample is the last from Schei's collections to
have been the subject of a publication.
Let us follow Schei on the journey when he collected that sample.
On 20th March 1900, ten men, each with a sled pulled by ten dogs,
set out to explore the eastern shores of Norwegian Bay. They divided
into five parties on April 14th, one returning to "Fram", the others
taking different directions to explore the west coast of Ellesmere
Island. Schei and his companion got the task of exploring land to
the west which had been sighted the year before. Their progress
was slow because of heavy snowstorms and temperatures ranging
from -10° to -26° Centigrade. Graham Island was reached
on April 29th but bad weather prevented them from traversing the
island until May 2nd. Schei complains that at almost every camp
they had left on the journey, the sleds had to be dug out of large
snowdrifts at temperatures below -20°C. Following the description
and a sketch map in Schei's diary of the course taken, I have
indicated their route on a modern map of Graham Island
(Map 2; Graham Island had in
fact been sighted by Sir Edward Belcher nearly fifty years
earlier in search for the Franklin expedition).
Schei's party was very much troubled by inquisitive polar bears
approaching the dogs and the tent. Any game was hunted to feed
the dogs, and the best parts made a much wanted change in their
own monotonous diet mainly of pemmican. Hunting stories make up
quite a large part of the diary, however, hunting was not just
for fun, but an imperative for their own and the dogs' survival.
From Graham Island, Schei's party turned northeast to explore
parts of Ellesmere Island. In mid-May they were again delayed by
bad weather and had to cut down on daily rations. In order to
catch up, all unnecessary load had to be abandoned, but geological
samples were saved. After a journey of 2« months they returned
safely to "Fram" on June 3rd via a shortcut across Ellesmere
Island to Goose Fjord.
Among Schei's collections were also coals and carbonaceous shales
of Palaeogene age from Stenkul Fjord (= coal fjord, at the bottom
of Baumann Fjord) in the southern part of Ellesmere, which I
processed in connection with my Tertiary Spitsbergen study.
Palynologically they show remarkable similarity to the material
from Spitsbergen. Nathorst (1915) described excellently
preserved compressions of leafy shoots of Metasequoia
occidentalis from the same locality.
As usual for explorers of new land in those days, territorial
claims were made covering the new land which the expedition
had discovered and charted. However, the Norwegian authori
ties had at that time their hands full with the strife to gain
independence from Sweden, which was granted in 1905. Claims to
ownership of the Sverdrup Islands were therefore not whole
heartedly followed up by officials. Canadian authorities did
not seem to care much either until the mid-twenties. Fairley
(1959), in an epilogue to his book on Sverdrup, has an
interesting account of this story. He stated (p. 285) that:
"Without them (Sverdrup's charts) Ottawa would have
remained ignorant, for who knows how long, of the simple
fact that the islands were there, in need of 'saving' for
Canada. If Sverdrup had not discovered the islands when he did,
they would almost certainly have been found and claimed by
explorers of a country much better able than Norway to follow
up the matter". Negotiations between Canadian and Norwegian
authorities to relinquish Norway's claims, also including
Sverdrup's claim to a pecuniary compensation towards the costs
of the expedition, were finally settled in 1930. Canada paid
$67,000 to Sverdrup for his original maps and Norway gave up
her claims. Sverdrup did not benefit from the settlement since
he died fifteen days after the agreement was announced.
Lithostratigraphic provenance of the Graham Island sample
There has been some ambiguity concerning the lithostratigraphic
provenance and the age of the Graham Island sample. At the time
of our study of the dinoflagellates we had only two guidelines
to its stratigraphy, namely correlation by already described
dinoflagellates in it to mid-Cretaceous assemblages elsewhere,
and its resemblance to two samples from Ellef Ringnes Island.
Details of the provenance of the latter samples were not given
in our paper, because they had been received by Isabel Cookson
from a Canadian company source on the condition they were
anonymized. They were stated to be derived from the Hassel
Formation, which from available evidence also included mid-Cretaceous.
Since they yielded very good assemblages resembling our Graham
Island sample, we reported on them in our paper and concluded
that the Graham Island sample was probably also from the Hassel
Formation. Felix and Burbridge (1976), who studied assemblages
from both the Hassel Formation and the overlying Kanguk Formation
from the Arctic Islands (but not Graham Island), concluded that
our assemblages correlated with those of the Kanguk Formation
and were of Late Cretaceous age. Using notes left by Cookson,
and with the kind assistance of Jan Jansonius and Stan Pocock,
I have now been able to trace the provenance of the Ellef
Ringnes samples. They derive from the south flank of the
Isachsen Dome and are from the Kanguk Formation, within
200 metres of its base. This confirms the biostratigraphic
correlation made by Felix and Burbridge. I have compared
Schei's route map and description with Fortier et al.'s
(1963) map of Graham Island, and it seems that Schei's camp
on May 2nd where he collected the sample must be placed in
an area where the Kanguk Formation was mapped by Fortier et al.
(Map 2), and close to the Hassel
Formation boundary. Schei described the island as being
built of loose blocks of sandstone (Hassel Formation?) and
grey claystones (Kanguk Formation?); the sample of our study
fits the description of the latter.
I hope this story starting with the Graham Island sample will
encourage Canadian palynologists and geologists to pick up some
dusty books about "Fram" and Captain Sverdrup from their libraries.
Anyone who loves the Arctic will find them exciting reading.
Svein B. Manum, Oslo, Norway, May 1991
References
Dawes, P. R., and R. L. Christie, 1986. Per Schei (1875-1905).
Arctic 39:106-107.
Fairley, T. C., 1959. Sverdrup's Arctic Adventures.
Longmans, London.
Felix, C. J., and P. R. Burbridge, 1976. Age of microplankton
studied by Manum and Cookson from Graham and Ellef Ringnes
islands. Geoscience and Man 15:83-86.
Fortier, Y. O., R. G. Blackadar, B. F. Glenister, H. R. Greiner,
D. J. McLaren, N. J. McMillan, A. W. Norris, E. F. Roots, J. G.
Souther, R. Thorsteinsson and E. T. Tozer, 1963. Geology of the
north-central part of the Arctic Archipelago, Northwest
Territories (Operation Franklin). Geological Survey of Canada
Memoir 320, 671 pp. + maps.
Holtedahl, O., 1917. Summary of geological results. No. 36
of Report (see ref. below), 27 pp., 6 pls., 1 map.
Manum, S., 1962. Studies in the Tertiary flora of Spitsbergen,
with notes on the Tertiary flora of Ellesmere Island, Greenland,
and Iceland. Skrifter Norsk Polarinstitutt 126, 124 pp.
Manum, S., and I. C. Cookson, 1964. Cretaceous microplankton
in a sample from Graham Island, Arctic Canada, collected during
the second 'Fram'-expedition (1898-1902). Skrifter Norske
Videnskaps-Akademi, Oslo, I. kl. N.S. No. 17, 36 pp.
Nansen, F., 1897. Farthest north. 2 vols. Archibald
Constable and Co., London.
Nathorst, A. G., 1915. Tertiare Pflanzenreste aus Ellesmere-Land.
No. 35 of Report (see ref. below), 16 pp.
Report of the Second Norwegian Arctic Expedition in the 'Fram'
1898-1902. Vol. I-IV, 1904-1917, Suppl. vol. 1930. Videnskaps-Selskabet
i Kristiania.
Sverdrup, O., 1903. The second Norwegian polar expedition
in the "Fram" 1898-1902. The Geographical Journal 22: 38-56.
Sverdrup, O., 1904. New Land: Four years in the Arctic regions.
2 vols. Longmans, Green and Co., London.
This article first appeared in CAP Newsletter 14(1):9-15, 1991
and is reproduced here with kind permission of Dr Manum.